Based on my research on religious cults among the Karen peoples¹ along Thailand-Burma² border, I think that the cult's leaders and followers have tried to maintain their unique identities by 1) keeping alive the history of cult formation and genealogy; 2) organizing rituals and ceremonies as means to reproduce the sense of ethnic-religious identity and also to empower people spiritually; 3) modifying contents and forms of the practices to be meaningful to the peoples in the specific socio-economic and political situation; and 4) negotiating with officials and other powerful groups on the maintenance of their unique identities and on the control of their own space.

I would briefly describe how the Telekhon and Lubaw Sadoeng cults create and maintain their cults by looking at their vernacular histories and unique rituals as follows.

History of sect formation

The creation and reproduction of the history of origin is one important and necessary project in the construction of the national identity. It contributes to the peoples' feeling of belonging to the same community, which is an imagined community (Anderson 1983). Official and national history like the case of Thailand is flooded with stories of kings and kingdoms, their patronage of religion and the governments and their administration. Common people would appear in this history only if their actions challenge or destabilize the rulers' power, especially when they carry out revolts. As the official and national history is made to promote the sense of unity and continuity of the nation, it does not mention the cultural diversity of peoples who live in the same territory. Besides, the official history is often a written history which is allowed little change in the stories. Those who select stories and write them as the history are usually scholars who work for rulers.

In contrast to official history, vernacular history is the history of the subordinate groups of people. It is often related to specific local environment, social relations and situation. Besides, it is often not written, relied on individual's memory and thus always modified in a way which is meaningful.

However, official and vernacular history are articulated. Official history can be built up from vernacular history. Take the case of the Karen peoples in Burma, the Karen history reconstructed and promoted by the Karen National Union (KNU)³ can be called official. It has been written down, recited in various occasions and taught in Karen schools. As it stresses the share of common ancestors, it creates the sense of belonging to one ethnic group, the Karen. It also creates pride among the Karen, who occupied Burma land before the Burmese, and at the same time creates hatred toward the Burmese who invade their land. But this official history is actually reconstructed based on recasting of the myths of origin. One important myth is about Thaw Me Pa, who was believed to be immortal because of the wild boar's tusk he possessed. Having countless children, land could no longer carry. He had to lead his children in search of land for a new settlement. In one place, he had to cross "flowing sand river", which was interpreted by missionaries in the 19th century as the Gobi desert. Unable to follow him because of their ignorance, the children were left at the place which is Burma nowadays. The litany of places, identifiable on the map, resonates with the temporal and geographic specificity of the following account, of the putative journey of the original Karen people, according to a KNU account. This also explains why the universal year 2000 is the 2739th Karen year.

The Karens migrated from Babylon in BC 2234 to go to the kingdom of Mongolia, arriving in BC 2197... then departed in BC 2017 for East Turkestan, arriving in BC 2013... In BC 1866... they left to migrate to Tibet... and reached Tibet in BC 1864. From Tibet in BC 1388,... they left for the kingdom of Yunnan arriving there in BC 1385... in BC 1128 a first wave departed for Burma arriving there in BC 1125... a second wave departed Yunnan in BC 741... and arrived in Burma in BC 739... This means that the total duration of Karen residence in Burma is in total 739 years plus 2000 years equals 2739. (News January 2000: 2)

It is important to cite this history in the Karen New Year ceremony, which is held annually in many parts of the country. This is to confirm the Karen year since the time Karen first settled in Burma. However, this official history is not much relevant to the lives of many other groups of the Karen who did not join the secessionist movement or did not stay in the KNU control areas. These people have developed their distinctive politico-religious identities and the vernacular histories of their sects. Examples here are the vernacular histories of two religious cults: the Telekhon and the Lubaw Sadoeng which are upheld by Karen who live around Thailand-Burma border from Tak down to Kanchanaburi province in Thailand and from Karen to Mon state in Burma.

The two cults have some similarities and differences in the history of origin. Similar themes are that the cults emerged as they escaped from the war and from the Burmese chase. The cults' leaders possess supernatural power so that they can protect their followers from Burmese attack. They got support from great deities. They have to break away from traditional belief and rituals especially by stop worshipping ancestor spirits. The discrimination in the Buddhist study and ordination against the Karen is also explained as an important cause led to the setting up of their own cults. It is these cults that would save their "ethnicity" from extinction. Overall, the history of the two cults is similar to Chusak’s conclusion⁴ that "Identity and vernacular history of Khamu are filled with the story about oppression, marginalization, suffering and the struggles."

Differences are in the details of leaders, the cult areas and the degree of interaction with Thai, Burmese, and KNU authorities. I briefly describe history of the two cults here:

The Telekhon is founded by the hermit, who was said to possess supernatural power and being able to lead Karen to miraculously escape Burmese chase. A village in Thailand and close to the border was selected to be the center for the cult as it was considered the best refuge place. The first hermit was executed by Burmese army. The second one was committed suicide by setting fire on himself to exchange with spirits' agreement to let the Karen stop propitiating spirits. The eighth hermit led his and KNU followers fighting with Burmese army to get revenge for the first hermit. As they were defeated and many men died, the KNU got angry and executed him (Smith 1999). The hermit office has continued until now which is the time of the tenth hermit.

From the oral history, Lubaw Sadoeng, literally yellow thread and sacred pole, is a further development from the Telekhon. The Telekhon followers do not sacrifice pigs and chicken, but wild animals for the worship of ancestor spirits. The hermit, the founder of the Lubaw Sadoeng, however led the ceremony to cut off all spirits and let the followers wear yellow thread instead of the white one, which is usually worn after the spirit propitiation rite. Unlike the Telekhon, the Lubaw Sadoeng stated clearly that they all came from Ye in Mon state as they escaped from the Burmese. They then came to ask for protection from Thai king and for permission to settle their villages. The permission and patronage from the then Siam king is always referred to by the Karen here to claim the right over their land. Lubaw Sadoeng has not organized their cult around the hermit, although some followers may have faith on the hermit of Telekhon cult and may go to him to pay respect. The two cults have their own areas, Telekhon is closer to the border while Lubaw Sadoeng is farer from the border. But a few areas may be overlapped.

The vernacular histories of the two cults are based on individuals' memory and thus in the fragmented and discontinuous form. It is certain that the stories which are cited very often and remembered vividly are those relevant to their present situation. These are about the oppression and discrimination they got from dominant power, being either Mon or Burmese. Less was said about the badness of the Thai, but more about the close relationship between the Siamese Kings and the Lubaw Sadoeng. This is not surprised as most sect followers are now settled quite permanently in Thailand side. The KNU came in the history briefly when it executed a hermit otherwise not much relation about KNU is mentioned.

While the date is fixed in the official history, the time in the vernacular history it often difficult to calculate. Moreover, the concept of space is also different. While the KNU fights for the Kaw Too Lei, the Karen state which has a clear boundary, the two cults have the concept of "sacred place" which has not clear boundary. The place remains sacred as long as followers follow religious rule and regulations.

Ritual practices and localization

Rituals, ceremonies and prescribed practices are the expression of individual and group identity and the means to reproduce one's identity. They may dramatize or symbolise events in the history of origin of the groups.

I think the ritual is official and formal in nature because it is usually institutionalized and standardized. But we can talk about differences between rituals of world religion and those of local cults in the way that the former relate to official history and doctrines whereas the latter one relate to vernacular history and oral traditions. Besides, the former is supported by powerful global and national authorities while the latter is held by local cultural and ethnic groups.

However, world religion and local cults are, like official and vernacular history, interrelated. As reported from research elsewhere, great tradition has been always localized in meanings and practices in line with local experience, social structure, history and cosmology. Very often that the localization and profanation of the great religion have a resistant or subversive nature (Scott 1977, Comaroff 1985, Lattas 1998). In case of the Karen, some adopt world religions and adapt them in their own environment. But many like the followers of the religious cults, who in the past fled away from the old place and from the great tradition, have created their own tradition in the new places by appropriate elements of many traditions.

The Telekhon is led by the hermit who stays in his "purified" house in the monastery complex, which is separated from the followers' houses. He has assistants who help in organizing rituals called "bu kho", literally merit leader. Like a Buddhist temple, villagers send their children aged around 10 to be ordained and stay with the hermit as "temple students". These students have to stay in the monastery at least three year during which they are not allowed to go to back to the village. After then they can resign and live their normal lives. The monastery complex is the "sacred area," which would not be entered in normal days but religious days and there is restricted area to women. In the monastery complex there are several sacred places built up for worship. The places are symbols from many traditions. For example, the first place which is called the birth is built by putting small sticks together circled by rocks. The explanation is that the birth symbolizes the first day of the world, which is Sunday. As the sticks and rocks are strong and secured, the worship of this place would enable children to grow strong as well. There is also a place which symbolize the three jewels of Buddhism: the Buddha, Dhamma, Sangha, a place for worship the Buddha image, the Buddha text, the chedi and so on. Besides participating in rituals and ceremonies, followers would have to strictly observe the five precepts of Buddhism.⁵ Besides, they could not raise pigs and chicken, have to be vegetarians, and have to dress in Karen traditional costumes. A man has to wear his hair long and tie it up on the middle of his head.

The Lubaw Sadoeng is similar to the Telekhon but it is not led by the hermit. Either "bu kho", the male merit leader, or "bu mue", the female merit leader, or both led the cult in one and a few neighboring villages. The leader has to build his/her own monastery and stay close to it. The chedi built up in a very simple form with the sacred pole around is the core of the worship. The rituals led by "bu kho" are conducted regularly in the monastery. Followers have to strictly observe Buddhist precepts. But the dress uniform has not been strictly applied here.

Multiple identifications and negotiation

In the above description on the history and ritual practices of the two religious sects, I try to show that the cults have created their unique vernacular identities based on vernacular history and mix practices. With this, their own space is also created, purposely to separate themselves from the Thai, the Burmese and the KNU ideology and actions. This space is marked by monasteries especially chedi, which were built in modified and simplified forms as compared with the Buddhist ones. Although the cults worship the present Buddha but it is a future Buddha, Phra Sri Ariya Metray, that they long for. Some of the Karen said unlike the former four Buddha who are Mon, Burmese, Thai and Indian, the future Buddha is Karen. The cults' space is also marked by unique practices especially the prohibition of raising pigs and chicken. The cults' ability to create their own space is also facilitated by the fact that the cults' area is mountainous covered by forest and hardly accessible by road.

However, the cults' space is not without the contestation from the Karen themselves and from outsiders especially Thai government officials. Many Karen doubt if the hermit office can continue as the present hermit has not received full sign from above to become legitimated hermit. They say that without the legitimacy, this hermit cannot access all the weath buried in the cult’s sacred mountains. The prohibition against raising livestock is challenged by the state idea to promote income generation. We begin to see some former cult followers moving out of their old villages so that they can raise animals. As the cult has unique identities, it begins to have tourist value. The provincial office is improving the road so that tourists can enter the village easier. The cult followers sometimes dare not tell high rank officials to take off shoes when entering their monastery. Like the case of Dongba paper-making in China, as tourism industry develops, paper which was in the past used for religious purpose only now has commercial value (Maruja). It is interesting to learn from other cases which face the same situation, and this is perhaps a question for further research and writing, how can local people negotiate their unique materials and actions in the way which are meaningful to their lives and status in their specific situation under the intrusive actions of globalization and modernization.

1. The Karen people are found in the valleys and hills straddling the Burma-Thailand border. Many groups in Burma e.g. Sgaw, Pwo, Pa-O (Taungsu), Bwe, Pao, Geba, etc. are classified under the Karen ethno-linguistic group (Le Bar, F. et al. 1964). Among these groups, the majority are Sgaw and Pwo who call themselves pga gan yaw and Phlong, respectively. A recent census of the total Karen population in Burma is not available but most neutral estimates calculate the population at three to four million. The Karen National Union estimates a total of about seven million. In the 1931 census, the Karen comprised nine percent of the total population in Burma. In Thailand, there are only two subgroups: Sgaw and Pwo with the population of about 321,000. They comprised about 46$ of the total highland ethnic population in 1995. They live in 3,595 villages scattered over mountainous areas in 20 provinces, 14 of which are in Northern Thailand (Hilltribe Welfare Division 1995). [Back to text.]

2. Burma is the old name of the present day Myanmar. This proposal used the word Burma as it stresses that there is a conflict between the state which is represented the Burmese and ethnic groups).[Back to text.]

3. The KNU is the representative organization of the pan-Karen movement which was set up and led the arm fighting with the Burmese state over half a decade since independence of Burma.[Back to text.]

4. In Chusak's Response Paper, "History, Identity, and Resource Struggles of the Ethnic Enclaves in Modern Thailand." [Back to text.]

5. Do not steal, do not kill animals, do not tell lies, do not commit adultery and do not drink alcohol. [Back to text.]

Anderson, Benedict. 1983. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.

Comaroff, Jean. 1985. Body of Power, Spirit of Resistance: the Culture and History of a South African People. Chicago, IL: University Chicago Press.

Lattas, Andrew. 1998. Cultures of Secrecy: Reinventing Race in Bush Kaliai Cargo Cults. Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press.

Le Bar, Frank M., Hickey, Gerald C. and Musgrave, John K. 1964. Ethnic Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press.

News, Vol. 3, January 2000

Scott, James C. 1977. "Protest and Profanation: Agrarian Revolt and the Little Tradition," Theory and Society. 4(1977): 211-246.